آمار
| تعداد نشریات | 54 |
| تعداد شمارهها | 2,659 |
| تعداد مقالات | 37,600 |
| تعداد مشاهده مقاله | 19,585,817 |
| تعداد دریافت فایل اصل مقاله | 9,087,599 |
رویکردی سازهانگارانه به نظریه کامنویلث اسلامی مالک بن نبی | ||
| علوم سیاسی | ||
| مقالات آماده انتشار، پذیرفته شده، انتشار آنلاین از تاریخ 12 شهریور 1405 | ||
| نوع مقاله: مقاله پژوهشی | ||
| شناسه دیجیتال (DOI): 10.22081/psq.2026.74533.3108 | ||
| نویسندگان | ||
| ایمان محمدی* 1؛ احمد رهدار2 | ||
| 1کارشناس حوزه یمن ، اندیشکده مرصاد، قم | ||
| 2استادیار/دانشگاه باقرالعلوم/ قم | ||
| تاریخ دریافت: 02 اردیبهشت 1405، تاریخ بازنگری: 12 خرداد 1405، تاریخ پذیرش: 12 شهریور 1405 | ||
| چکیده | ||
| نظریه مشترکالمنافع اسلامی(فکره کمنولث اسلامی) مالک بن نبی، متفکر برجسته الجزایری را میتوان پاسخی تمدنی به بحرانهای ساختاری جهان اسلام در قرن بیستم، بهویژه پس از فروپاشی خلافت و ظهور دولت-ملتهای وستفالیایی دانست. پژوهش حاضر به دنبال بازخوانی این نظریه در چارچوب فرانظری سازهانگاری اجتماعی است تا جوابی باشد به پرسش اصلی این مقاله که «چگونه مفاهیم کلیدی نظریه مشترک المنافع اسلامی مالک بن نبی با مفروضات سازهانگاری مانند اولویت انگارهها بر عوامل مادی، برتری هویت بر منافع، تکوین متقابل ساختار-کارگزار و منطق تناسب در برابر منطق پیامدها همخوانی دارند؟» یافتههای این نوشتار که با روش توصیفی-تحلیلی و برپایه نظریه سازهانگاری سامان یافته، نشان میدهد که بن نبی برخلاف رویکردهای خردگرا، ریشه انحطاط و عقبماندگی جهان اسلام را نه در کمبود منابع مادی، بلکه در فروپاشی انگارههای بینالاذهانی و فقدان کارآمدی اجتماعی ایمان میبیند. او با ارائه مدل مشترکالمنافع به عنوان یک قطب ثالث در فضای دوقطبی جنگ سرد، در پی بازتعریف هویت مسلمانان از سوژههای استعمارپذیر به کنشگران تمدنساز بود. بن نبی با تقسیم جهان اسلام به شش منطقه جغرافیایی-فرهنگی، الگویی از همگرایی تدریجی را پیشنهاد میدهد که در آن هویت تمدنی کلان، منبع اصلی تعریف منافع ملی دولتها قرار میگیرد. این رویکرد میتواند در عصر حاضر بازتعریف شده و در تعریف چارچوب عملیاتی مطابق نیازهای مفهوم مقاومت و یا گفتمانهای کلان جمهوری اسلامی ایران همانند تمدن سازی نویت اسلامی و وحدت اسلامی و همچنین کمک به پیشبرد اسناد بالا دستی چونان گام دوم انقلاب یا سند ایرانی-اسلامی پیشرفت کمک مضاعف کند. پژوهش حاضر نتیجه میگیرد که نظریه بن نبی را میتوان نوعی سازهانگاری تمدنی پیشگامانه دانست که با تقدم زمانی نسبت به الکساندر ونت و تحولات منجر به نظریههای هویتی به صورت مسئله محور و با ارائه چارچوب نظری جامع، بر ماهیت اجتماعی و هویتی قدرت و امنیت در نظام بینالملل تأکید ورزیده و مشترکالمنافع را به مثابه یک جامعه هویتی برای صیانت از اصالت امت اسلامی در عصر مدرن طراحی کرده است. | ||
| کلیدواژهها | ||
| مالک بن نبی؛ مشترکالمنافع اسلامی؛ سازهانگاری؛ هویت تمدنی؛ قابلیت استعمارپذیری؛ الکساندر ونت | ||
| عنوان مقاله [English] | ||
| A Constructivist Approach to Malek Bennabi’s Theory of Islamic Commonwealth | ||
| نویسندگان [English] | ||
| Iman Mohammady1؛ Ahmad Rahdar2 | ||
| 1Yemen expert . Mersad Center For Strategic Studies , Qom | ||
| 2Assistant Professor/Baqerul Uloom University/Qom | ||
| چکیده [English] | ||
| A Civilizational Constructivist Approach to Malek Bennabi’s Theory of the Islamic Commonwealth Abstract The historical and intellectual trajectory of the Islamic world in the twentieth century was profoundly disrupted by consecutive systemic shocks, most notably the pervasive socio-political erosion caused by European direct colonialism and the deep institutional vacuum left by the formal collapse of the Ottoman Caliphate in 1924. This structural crisis forced Muslim societies into a fragmented geopolitical reality dominated by the imported Westphalian nation-state model, an institutional system inherently misaligned with the traditional civilizational identity and historical continuity of the Islamic world. In response to this existential gridlock and the overarching crisis of modern alienation, various reformist, traditionalist, and nationalist secular discourses emerged across West Asia and North Africa. Among these responses, the comprehensive architectural framework proposed by the prominent Algerian philosopher, engineer, and social theorist, Malek Bennabi, stands out for its profound civilizational depth, sociological rigor, and methodological originality. Bennabi’s strategic formulation of the Islamic Commonwealth represents a sophisticated, non-romantic, and realistic alternative to both the obsolete models of immediate pan-Islamic caliphate revival and the subjugating, atomized framework of competitive modern nation-states. This study offers a comprehensive and systematic re-examination of Bennabi’s geopolitical and societal project through the lens of Social Constructivism, aiming to unpack how his mid-twentieth-century ideas uniquely anticipated modern post-positivist International Relations theories, exploring how the core conceptual pillars of his theory align with the foundational ontological and epistemological assumptions of constructivist thought, specifically regarding the priority of ideational factors over material forces and the برساختگی (social construction) of state preferences. Adopting a rigorous descriptive-analytical methodology grounded in constructivist frameworks, norm dynamics, and structuration literature, the findings of this research demonstrate that Malek Bennabi completely abandoned surface-level, purely materialist and conspiratorial explanations of Islamic decline. While many of his contemporaries focused strictly on external imperialist plots or economic deficits, Bennabi introduced the groundbreaking and seminal concept of colonizability. From a constructivist standpoint, this concept captures an internal collapse of intersubjective ideas, norm degradation, and the fracturing of collective consciousness within Muslim societies, which historically rendered them deeply vulnerable to external material dominance and military intervention long before actual invasion occurred. Bennabi argued that the roots of societal stagnation lie not in a deficiency of material capabilities or natural resources, but in the tragic loss of the social efficacy of faith within the public sphere. Furthermore, during the rigid bipolar dynamics of the Cold War, Bennabi envisioned the proposed Islamic Commonwealth not merely as a temporary tactical military alliance or a transactional economic bloc, but as an autonomous, self-sustaining Third Pole designed to structurally redefine Muslim identity from passive, colonizable subjects into active, non-aligned, and civilization-building agents. By strategically partitioning the wider Islamic world into six distinct socio-cultural and geographical zones, including the Arab, Iranian, Malayan, African, Chinese-Mongolian, and European regions, Bennabi introduced a highly pragmatic model of functional, gradual, and layered convergence that echoes contemporary regionalization theories. In this sophisticated model, deep-seated cultural homogeneity and shared historical narratives serve as the essential non-material infrastructure. Over time, as these distinct zones interact through functional socio-economic, educational, and scientific networks, their atomized state-centric calculations are slowly absorbed into a macro-civilizational identity. Consequently, within this constructivist framework, this overarching shared identity becomes the primary, endogenous source for redefining the national interests, foreign policy orientations, and collective security parameters of the constituent states, moving them away from Western-centric dependence. A crucial and highly valuable dimension of this research lies in its contemporary applicability and strategic resonance, as Bennabi's civilizational constructivism can be dynamically redefined to provide a robust operational, cognitive, and conceptual framework for the modern discourse of resistance and the macro-geopolitical strategies of the Islamic Republic of Iran. Specifically, his ideas offer significant theoretical support to foundational state principles, such as Islamic Unity and the systematic creation of the New Islamic Civilization, while directly aligning with and enhancing Iran's core high-level strategic documents, notably the Second Step of the Islamic Revolution issued by the Supreme Leader and the Iranian-Islamic Model of Progress. By replacing Western rationalist, neoliberal, and neorealist paradigms with Bennabi’s identity-driven, norm-centric regionalism, contemporary scholars and policymakers can better conceptualize how localized strategic networks of resistance can structurally transform from separate entities into a cohesive, self-sustaining civilizational bloc capable of resisting modern neo-colonial hegemony and economic coercion. This research concludes that Malek Bennabi’s intellectual output represents a pioneering form of Civilizational Constructivism that was developed decades before the formal emergence of post-positivist identity theories in the West and well before Alexander Wendt published his foundational social theories of international politics. Bennabi intuitively understood that international anarchy, power politics, and civilizational paralysis are fundamentally social constructs, products of how Muslims look at themselves and interpret the power of the colonial Other. By designing the Islamic Commonwealth as an identity-based community, Bennabi provided a timeless, problem-oriented, and epistemologically rich blueprint for safeguarding the authenticity, agency, and civilizational continuity of the Islamic world in the face of modern globalization and asymmetric geopolitical pressures. | ||
| کلیدواژهها [English] | ||
| Malek Bennabi, Islamic Commonwealth, Social Constructivism, Civilizational Identity, Colonizability, Alexander Wendt | ||
|
آمار تعداد مشاهده مقاله: 2 |
||