| تعداد نشریات | 54 |
| تعداد شمارهها | 2,674 |
| تعداد مقالات | 37,771 |
| تعداد مشاهده مقاله | 20,692,966 |
| تعداد دریافت فایل اصل مقاله | 9,683,185 |
از تئوکراسی تا تئوپلیتیک: واکاوی الگوی حکمرانی اسلامی اردوغان در ترکیه | ||
| مطالعات حکمرانی اسلامی | ||
| دوره 2، شماره 2 - شماره پیاپی 4، مهر 1405، صفحه 380-353 اصل مقاله (3.04 M) | ||
| نوع مقاله: مقاله پژوهشی | ||
| شناسه دیجیتال (DOI): 10.22081/jislamicgo.2026.75337.1083 | ||
| نویسندگان | ||
| اسماعیل بنی آدم* 1؛ مالک ذوالقدر2 | ||
| 1دانشجوی دکتری، گروه روابط بینالملل، دانشکده علوم سیاسی، واحد زنجان، دانشگاه آزاد اسلامی، زنجان، ایران | ||
| 2گروه روابط بینالملل، دانشکده علوم سیاسی، واحد زنجان، دانشگاه آزاد اسلامی، زنجان، ایران. | ||
| تاریخ دریافت: 15 تیر 1405، تاریخ بازنگری: 30 شهریور 1405، تاریخ پذیرش: 13 مهر 1405 | ||
| چکیده | ||
| پژوهش حاضر نسبت میان گفتمان حکمرانی اسلامی معاصر و مفهوم «تئوکراسی» را در چارچوب «تئوپلیتیک» و در بستر ترکیه معاصر تحت رهبری رجب طیب اردوغان بررسی میکند در ادبیات کلاسیک، تئوکراسی نظامی است که اقتدار سیاسی بر مبانی فقهی و مرجعیت روحانیان تکیه دارد؛ اما در بسیاری از جوامع مسلمان امروز، نمادها و زبان دینی در چارچوبهای سکولار یا نیمهسکولار بهکار میروند، بیآنکه نظامی تئوکراتیک شکل گیرد. این وضعیت پرسشهایی درباره نقش دین در سیاست و نحوه ادغام آن در سازوکارهای انتخاباتی و قانونی جمهوری ترکیه ایجاد میکند. هدف پژوهش، تحلیل گفتمان سیاسی و شیوههای حکمرانی اردوغان و بررسی نحوه بهرهگیری او از عناصر تئوپلیتیک همچون نمادپردازی دینی، روایتهای هویت اسلامی و ارجاع به تاریخ عثمانی- اسلامی در چارچوب جمهوری و قانون اساسی سکولار ترکیه است. این مطالعه با روش تحلیل کیفی سیاسی و تحلیل گفتمان، مجموعهای از سخنرانیها، سیاستها، اصلاحات نهادی و نمادهای سیاسی دولت اردوغان را بررسی میکند تا روشن سازد عناصر دینی چگونه در ساختار سکولار کشور ادغام یا بازتفسیر میشوند. یافتهها نشان میدهند که در دولت اردوغان، نمادهای دینی بیش از آنکه مبنای تئوکراسی باشند، کارکرد مقبولیتبخشی سیاسی، انسجام فرهنگی و تقویت هویت ملی دارند. ترکیب سکولاریسم قانونی جمهوری ترکیه با ارجاعات هدفمند اسلامی الگویی هیبریدی از حکمرانی پدید آورده است. این الگو که میتوان آن را «تئوپلیتیک دولتی مدیریتشده» نامید؛ مدلی که در آن نمادهای دینی بهگونهای کنترلشده در ساختار سکولار قانون اساسی ترکیه گنجانده میشوند. این چارچوب تحلیلی قابلیت تعمیم به الگوهای مشابه در دیگر جوامع مسلمان را دارد و نشان میدهد که تئوپلیتیک معاصر الزاماً به تئوکراسی رسمی منتهی نمیشود و میتواند شکلهای ترکیبی و عملگرایانه به خود بگیرد. | ||
| کلیدواژهها | ||
| حکمرانی اسلامی؛ ترکیه؛ اردوغان؛ تئوپولتیک؛ تئوکراسی | ||
| عنوان مقاله [English] | ||
| From Theocracy to Theopolitics: Examining Erdoğan’s Model of Islamic Governance in Turkey | ||
| نویسندگان [English] | ||
| Esmail Baniadam1؛ Malek Zolghadr2 | ||
| 1PhD., Candidate, Department of International Relations, Faculty of Political Science, Za.C., Islamic Azad University, Zanjan, Iran | ||
| 2Department of International Relations, Faculty of Political Science, Za.C., Islamic Azad University, Zanjan, Iran | ||
| چکیده [English] | ||
| This study examines the relationship between Islam, political legitimacy, and state governance in contemporary Turkey under the leadership of Recep Tayyip Erdoğan. Over the past two decades, Erdoğan’s political discourse has increasingly incorporated Islamic symbols, ethical narratives, and references to Ottoman–Islamic heritage, leading some scholars and observers to interpret his governance as a shift toward Islamic theocracy. This study challenges this binary interpretation by examining whether the growing prominence of religion in political discourse has substantively transformed the institutional structure of the Turkish state or primarily represents a symbolic and discursive mode of political legitimation. It asks whether Erdoğan’s mobilization of Islamic imagery and moral rhetoric constitutes a move toward religious government or a strategic form of theopolitics operating within Turkey’s secular constitutional framework. The study adopts an interdisciplinary theoretical framework that combines theopolitics, Weberian legitimacy theory, and constructivist approaches to political meaning-making. The concept of theopolitics distinguishes the political mobilization of religious symbols and narratives from institutional theocracy, which entails the formal authority of religious institutions and the primacy of religious law. Methodologically, the study employs qualitative interpretive political analysis and critical discourse analysis. The empirical corpus comprises presidential speeches, policy statements, relevant institutional documents concerning religious affairs, and legal texts addressing the relationship between religion and the state. Data were selected through purposive sampling, with particular attention to instances in which Islamic references, identity narratives, and moral concepts were prominently articulated. The analysis examines how these discursive elements contribute to political legitimacy and national identity and shape policy narratives in areas such as social welfare, family policy, and foreign policy. The findings indicate that Erdoğan’s model of governance does not exhibit the institutional characteristics of an Islamic theocracy. Turkey’s state institutions continue to operate within a secular constitutional framework characterized by competitive elections and legal–rational bureaucratic authority. The institutional apparatus responsible for religious affairs functions primarily as a state-managed religious bureaucracy rather than an autonomous clerical institution with legislative or judicial authority. Nevertheless, Erdoğan systematically employs Islamic ethical concepts, religious symbolism, and Ottoman–Islamic historical references to construct political legitimacy, reinforce collective identity, and provide moral justification for political choices. These symbolic resources are particularly evident in narratives concerning national history, social solidarity, welfare provision, and Turkey’s role in the Muslim world. The findings further demonstrate that Erdoğan’s use of Islamic symbolism contributes to a hybrid form of political legitimation that combines legal–rational institutions, charismatic leadership, and cultural–religious identity. Although Islamic values influence political rhetoric and policy framing, they neither replace civil law nor establish religious authorities as independent centers of political or judicial power. Across policy domains, religious references primarily serve as sources of moral framing and cultural resonance, while policy formulation and implementation remain embedded in bureaucratic and legal procedures. Thus, the Turkish case illustrates that the increasing visibility of religious discourse does not, in itself, constitute evidence of a transition to theocracy. The study concludes that Erdoğan’s model is more accurately characterized as managed theopolitics than as Islamic theocracy. Religion operates as a symbolic and discursive resource for constructing legitimacy, shaping national identity, and framing political objectives, while the institutional foundations of the state remain substantially secular. The Turkish case therefore challenges the conventional binary between secularism and theocracy and demonstrates the possibility of a hybrid political configuration in which religious symbolism influences political culture and legitimation without fundamentally transforming the state’s constitutional and institutional structure. | ||
| کلیدواژهها [English] | ||
| Islamic governance, Turkey, Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, theopolitics, theocracy, political legitimacy, secularism | ||
| مراجع | ||
|
اردوغان، رجب طیب (۱۳ مارس ۲۰۲۶ ب). اردوغان: دین ما یکی است و آن اسلام است. تیآرتی فارسی. قابل دسترس در: https://www.trtfarsi.com/video/db82570ef230
أردوغان، رجب طیب (26 نوفمبر 2024). الإسلام یوحّد الأتراک والأکراد والعرب. وکالة الأناضول. قابل دسترس در:
https://www.aa.com.tr/ar/3405077/
اردوغان، رجب طیب (۲۷ آوریل ۲۰۱۶ الف). اردوغان: تنوع مذهبی و فرهنگی ترکیه را بهمثابه گنجینهای ارزشمند میدانیم. خبرگزاری آناتولی. قابل دسترس در: https://www.aa.com.tr/fa/ /562720/
عیسینیا، رضا (1404). تدوین الگوی سیستمی کارکردهای حکمرانی براساس آموزههای قرآنی؛ به سوی حکمرانی کارآمد و عادلانه در جامعه معاصر. مطالعات حکمرانی اسلامی، 1(2)، ص41-68.
Akinlabi, O. M. (2022). Understanding Legitimacy in Weber’s Perspectives and in Contemporary Society. In Police-Citizen Relations in Nigeria: Procedural Justice, Legitimacy, and Law-Abiding Behaviour (pp. 11-24). Cham: Springer International Publishing.
Akkoyunlu, K., & Öktem, K. (2016). Existential insecurity and the making of a weak authoritarian regime in Turkey. Southeast European and Black Sea Studies, 16(4), p. 505–527. Alhas, A. M., & Sevencan, S. (2020, July 11). Hagia Sophia to be open for all: Turkish president. Anadolu Agency. URL= https://www.aa.com.tr/en/energy/energy-diplomacy/hagia-sophia-to-be-open-for-all-turkish-president/29867
Altınordu, A. (2022). Türkiye’de Sivil Din: Engeller ve Firsatlar. Sosyoloji Araştırmaları Dergisi, 25(3), p. 397-414.
Çeliksoy, E. (2026). Presidency of Religious Affairs in the Context of Institutionalization of Religion-State Relations in Türkiye. Çankırı Karatekin Üniversitesi İktisadi ve İdari Bilimler Fakültesi Dergisi, 16(1), p. 275-294.
Çevik, S. (2019). Erdoğan's comprehensive religious policy: Management of the religious realm in Turkey (No. 12/2019). SWP Comment.
Da Silva Bezerra, J. R. (2026). Teopolítica e discurso de dominação: uma análise crítico-discursiva do vídeo de Silas Malafaia com Jair Bolsonaro e dos mecanismos da Teologia do Domínio na legitimação do bolsonarismo. Colineares, 11(2), p. 23-44.
Dersan O. D. (2025). Reconsidering secularization theory in international politics. Akademik Yaklaşımlar Dergisi, 16(1), p. 55–73.
Diyanet İşleri Başkanlığı. (2023). 2022 yılı idare faaliyet raporu. Ankara: Diyanet Publications.
Dudlak, T. (2025, January 8). Rightly guided leaders: The role of religion in the political ideology of Viktor Orbán and Recep Tayyip Erdoğan. Sylff Association. URL= https://www.sylff.org/news_voices/32231/
Erdoğan, R. T. (2016a, April 27). Erdoğan: We see Turkey's religious and cultural diversity as a precious treasure. Anadolu Ajansı.
Erdoğan, R. T. (2016b, October 29). Message of President Erdoğan on the Republic Day. Republic of Türkiye Ministry of Foreign Affairs. URL= https://www.mfa.gov.tr/message-of-president-erdogan-on-the-republic-day.en.mfa Erdoğan, R. T. (2018, August 20). Erdogan likens attack on Turkey's economy to strike against call to prayer. IQNA. URL= https://isfahan.iqna.ir/en/news/3466575/erdogan-likens-attack-on-turkey%E2%80%99s-economy-to-strike-against-call-to-prayer
Erdoğan, R. T. (2020, April 27). President Erdoğan: “By overcoming Covid-19, which has become a global disaster, we hope to enjoy a double feast at the end of Ramadan”. Directorate of Communications. URL= https://www.iletisim.gov.tr/English/haberler/detay/president-erdogan-by-overcoming-covid-19-which-has-become-a-global-disaster-we-hope-to-enjoy-a-double-feast-at-the-end-of-ramadan Erdoğan, R. T. (2021, July 15). July 15 is the victory of the national will. Presidency of the Republic of Türkiye. URL= https://www.iletisim.gov.tr/english/haberler/detay/july-15-is-the-victory-of-the-national-will
Erdoğan, R. T. (2024, November 26). Islam unites Turks, Kurds, and Arabs [In Arabic]. Anadolu Ajansı. https://www.aa.com.tr/ar/3405077/
Erdoğan, R. T. (2026a, August 28). Türkiye seeks stronger alliances, fewer disputes across Islamic world: President Erdogan. Anadolu Agency. URL= https://www.aa.com.tr/en/turkiye/turkiye-seeks-stronger-alliances-fewer-disputes-across-islamic-world-president-erdogan/4040523 Euronews. (2020, September 4). Time: Erdoğan'ın Osmanlı İmparatorluğu sevgisi dünyayı kaygılandırmalı. URL= https://tr.euronews.com/2020/09/04/time-erdogan-n-osmanl-imparatorlugu-sevgisi-dunyay-kayg-land-rmal-
Fairclough, N. (2023). Critical discourse analysis. In The Routledge handbook of discourse analysis (pp. 11-22). Routledge.
Fekry, M. (Mar 2025). Transformations of the Arab Regional Order: A Constructivist Approach. Siyasat Arabiya, 13(73), p. 83-100.
Göl, A. (2009). The identity of Turkey: Muslim and secular. Third World Quarterly, 30(4), p. 795-811. Gontijo, L. C., & Barbosa, R. S. (2020). Erdoğan’s pragmatism and the ascension of AKP in Turkey: Islam and neo‐Ottomanism. Digest of Middle East Studies, 29(1), p. 76-91.
Gözaydın, İ. (2016). Diyanet: Türkiye Cumhuriyeti'nde Dinin Tanzimi: Türkiye Cumhuriyeti’nde Dinin Tanzimi. İletişim Yayınları.
Harvard Divinity School. (2026, May 4). Faith in context: Power, peace, and conflict. Harvard Divinity School. URL= https://www.hds.harvard.edu/news/2026/05/04/faith-context-power-peace-and-conflict
Hassan, C. G., & Posocco, L. (2023). Promoting Muslim nationalism in Turkish museums: A study of visitors' responses to the Panorama Museum 1453. Trauma and Memory, 11(1), p. 55–71.
Jongerden, J. (Ed.). (2022). The Routledge handbook on contemporary Turkey. Routledge.
Kalav-İdri̇soğlu, F. (2023). Regulating Religion in Türkiye and Greece: A Comparative Analysis Through Restructuring Established Religious Institutions in Public Sphere. Middle East Technical University (Turkey).
Karakuş, G. (2023). A Political-Theological Issue: Is Kemalism a Civil Religion or a Political Religion? Journal of Economy Culture and Society, no. 68, p. 111-118.
Kassymova, Z. (2025). Islamic governance and secularism in Turkey: Interactions and implications during the AKP period [Bachelor's thesis, Vytautas Magnus University]. Vytautas Magnus University Institutional Repository.
Kaya, A. (2021). Oration of the nation in Turkey: From Secularisation to Re-Islamisation. Themenportal Europäische Geschichte. Retrieved January, no. 9, p. 1-11.
Kirdiş, E. (2025). Islamist Outbidding in Turkey: The Strategic Rationale of Dominant Party Radicalization. Journal of Church and State, 67(4).
Kormina, J. (2025). Popular Theopolitics and the Last Russian Tsar’s Intangible Remains. Comparative Studies in Society and History, 67(2), p. 303-329.
Kuru, A., & Stepan, A. (Eds.). (2012). Democracy, Islam, & Secularism in Turkey. Columbia University Press.
Lim, H. (2026, April 20). Turkey still holds elections, so how does Erdoğan make use of religiously entangled state power to erode democracy? Democratic Erosion Consortium. URL= https://democratic-erosion.org/2026/04/20/turkey-still-holds-elections-so-how-does-erdogan-make-use-of-religiously-entangled-state-power-to-erode-democracy/
Mandaville, P. (2020). Islam and politics. Routledge.
Mastery, U. E. S. P. (2026). Ressentiment, Victimhood, and Revanchism. European Journal of Psychology Open. Advance online publication. no. 10, p. 1-12.
McAllister, C., & Napolitano, V. (2020). Introduction: incarnate politics beyond the cross and the sword. Social Analysis, 64(4), p. 1-20.
Özoflu, M. A., & Gerim, G. (2025). Legitimizing illiberalism: The construction of civilizational identity by the justice and development party in Türkiye. Politics and Governance, no.13, p. 1-23.
Oztig, L. I., Öztürk, A. E., & Adisonmez, U. C. (2025). Faith and force: imposition, dissemination, and transnationalization of religion in Türkiye and Iran. Policy Studies, 1-22. Öztürk, A. E. (2018a). Transformation of the Turkish Diyanet both at home and abroad: Three stages. European Journal of Turkish Studies. Social Sciences on Contemporary Turkey, no. 27, p. 1-14.
Öztürk, A. E. (2018b). Turkey’s Diyanet under AKP rule: from protector to imposer of state ideology? In Exit from Democracy (pp. 151-168). Routledge.
Öztürk, A. E., & Alemdar, Z. (2026). Sacralizing the nation: religion, nationalism, and populism in Turkey under AKP rule. Southeast European and Black Sea Studies, p. 1-19.
Pate, T. (2018). The United States, India and the global nuclear order: narrative identity and representation. Routledge.
Pattnaik, J. K., & Panda, C. K. (2022). Interrogating Erdogan’s Neo-Ottoman Geopolitical Imagination. Journal of Liberty and International Affairs, 8(3), p. 338-355.
Posocco, L. (2022). Nationalism, politics, and museums in Turkey under the Justice and Development Party (AKP): The case of the Panorama Museum 1453. Contemporary Southeastern Europe, 9(1), p. 35–55.
Raza, M. S. (2025, September 10). Sacred politics: How Türkiye is capturing Muslim imagination. The Week. URL= https://www.theweek.in/news/middle-east/2025/09/10/sacred-politics-how-turkiye-is-capturing-muslim-imagination.html
Rizwan, M., Ali, P., & Adnan, H. (2025). The Politics of Faith and the Strategic Use of Religious Discourse in Modern Power Relations. Journal of Applied Linguistics and TESOL (JALT), 8(3), p. 2276-2287.
Sarihan, A. (2026). Sovereign Islam in Türkiye: The Political Instrumentalization of Religion under Atatürk and Erdoğan. Religions, 17(3), p. 288, 1-28.
Siska, K. (2017). The Presidency of Religious Affairs of the Republic of Turkey–The Legal Oddity. Journal on European History of Law, 8(2), p. 114-122.
Sullivan, L. E. (Ed.). (2009). Theocracy. In The SAGE glossary of the social and behavioral sciences (Vol. 3, p. 517). SAGE Publications.
Tank, P. (2005). Political Islam in Turkey: A state of controlled secularity. Turkish Studies, 6(1), p. 3-19.
Tepe, S. (2023, July 18). How Erdoğan won the Turkish election: Electoral miracles of religious populism. LSE Religion and Global Society. URL= https://blogs.lse.ac.uk/religionglobalsociety/2023/07/how-erdogan-won-the-turkish-election-electoral-miracles-of-religious-populism/ Tokdoğan, N. (2024). Neo-Ottomanism and the politics of emotions in Turkey: Resentment, nostalgia, narcissism (p. 184). Springer Nature.
Torcu, D. (2025, March 30). Turkey democracy crisis: Where religion, power and repression intersect. The Conversation. URL= https://theconversation.com/turkey-democracy-crisis-where-religion-power-and-repression-intersect-253458
Tuğal, C. (2009). Passive revolution: Absorbing the Islamic challenge to capitalism. Stanford University Press.
Türegün, A. (2025). The political ideology of Turkey’s Islamist swing under Erdoğan. Journal of Political Ideologies, 30(2), p. 540-562.
Turner, B. S. (2013). Religion, state and legitimacy: three dimensions of authority. In The Religious and the Political: A Comparative Sociology of Religion (pp. 135–150). chapter, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
U.S. Department of State. (2022). 2022 Report on International Religious Freedom: Turkey (Türkiye). URL= https://www.state.gov/reports/2022-report-on-international-religious-freedom/turkey
U.S. Department of State. (2025). 2024 report on international religious freedom: Turkey. URL= https://www.state.gov/report/custom/67587e37d9/
White, J. (2009). Muslim Nationalism and the New Turks. Princeton: Princeton University Press.
Yabanci, B. (2022). Religion, Nationalism, and Populism in Turkey Under the AKP. Middle East Institute.
Yavuz, M. H. (2019). Understanding Turkish secularism in the 21th century: A contextual roadmap. Southeast European and Black Sea Studies, 19(1), p. 55-78.
Yavuz, M. H. (2020). Islam, populism and regime change in Turkey: Making and remaking the AKP. Routledge.
Yavuz, M. H. (2026, January 2). Neo-Ottomanism as civilizational nationalism: Turkey's quest for identity. E-International Relations. URL= https://www.e-ir.info/2026/01/02/neo-ottomanism-as-civilizational-nationalism-turkeys-quest-for-identity/
Yavuz, M. H., & Öztürk, A. E. (2019). Turkish secularism and Islam under the reign of Erdoğan. Southeast European and Black Sea Studies, 19(1), p. 1-9.
Yilmaz, I., & Albayrak, I. (2022). Populist and pro-violence state religion: The Diyanet’s construction of Erdoğanist Islam in Turkey. Springer Nature. | ||
|
آمار تعداد مشاهده مقاله: 47 تعداد دریافت فایل اصل مقاله: 5 |
||